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Friday, December 4, 2009

SINO-INDIA WARFARE


Under Marshall Liu Bocheng, the People’s Liberation Army of China launched an assault on the Eastern and Western theatres of the Indo-China border in “self defence counter attack”. What ensued was a humiliating defeat to the Indian’s which exposed its un-preparedness and exposed its weak military capabilities. Consequentially, India saw sweeping changes in its military apparatus and steadily equipped itself to handle such situations in the future.

The Asian giant, in its quest for regional dominance, undertook a programme of large scale militarization whereas India spared no efforts in trying to match China’s military might. China successfully test fired its first nuclear weapon at Lap Nor on October 18, 1964 which led to panic in Camp India. A decade later, May 18, 1974 saw India’s first nuclear detonation at Pokhran, Project Smiling Buddha, a response of sorts to Chinese advancements in nuclear weaponry. This bold move by the Indians, a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, was strident .This move gave birth to the Nuclear Suppliers Group, a global cartel of countries exporting nuclear substances, initiated by the Americans with the objective of controlling nuclear proliferation.

According to reports released by US Department of Defence in 2006, military expenditure by the Chinese government exceeded $80 billion, though the Chinese denied such heavy spending. In an official statement, the Chinese have claimed an expenditure of only $30 billion, which according to experts is a gross understatement. Actual military might and expenditure is veiled to create a strategic advantage of uncertainty over adversaries. India spends $22 billion annually to upgrade military capabilities and does not conceal budget allocations. In its democratic system of functioning, the Government is accountable to its taxpayers.
Four decades and more after the 1962 war, tension still looms across the North-Eastern borders of India and China .Dr . Rajan , Director of Chennai Centre on China Studies, says that the defence community of the People’s Republic of China don’t rule out a border conflict. From a strategic perspective, sources view India’s border military re-enforcements and counter measures as a process of equipping itself for military engagement.

In the event of war, both countries would engage in ‘partial’ or ‘total war’. Partial war involves a country using only some of its resources – be it military, human, economic, technological or natural resources – to engage in battle instead of all its resources. Partial war is the antonym of ‘total war’ which means unlimited mobilization of available resources to counter resistance with the intention of overpowering its enemy/enemies.

Experts believe that the Chinese are far superior in military capabilities when compared with India. The Indians don’t see the need to militarize as much as the Chinese since they don’t have a military adversary to be wary of other than Pakistan. The Chinese would have two reasons for flexing their military might: to establish Chinese dominance in Asia, including conflicts over Taiwan with the USA;and to make the Americans aware that it is a force to reckon with.
Trade seems to dictate terms in the Sino-India context just now. War is not the most feasible option for both countries as they make all efforts in capturing markets to enhance their economic strength. Bilateral talks and tireless efforts by both Governments have put thoughts of war on the backburner. Only time will tell whether the relationship falls apart and spirals out of control.

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